CULTURE PROFILE| << | CHAPTER |
| THE
HMONG
AN INTRODUCTION TO THEIR HISTORY AND CULTURE
CULTURE PROFILE |
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CONTENTS | ACKNOWLEDGMENTS | INTRODUCTION | PEOPLE | HISTORY | LIFE IN LAOS | EXPERIENCE IN THAILAND | LITERACY | RESETTLEMENT | LANGUAGE | WORDS, PHRASES, SAYINGS | BIBLIOGRAPHY | ||||
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SCROLL TO:
Hmong
society |
Life in Laos The Hmong in the United States, as well as those at Wat Tham Krabok, are originally from Laos. There, Hmong society has been shaped by life in the mountains, slash-and-burn agriculture, the practice of animism and ancestral worship, and a patriarchal family and clan system. War and dislocation, coupled with a long history of being an oppressed minority, have also altered the Hmong way of life. Yet the persistence of cultural traditions, in the face of forces to change them, is a well-observed feature of the Hmong. As William Geddes noted in his 1976 study of the Mong Leng of northern Thailand, “The preservation by the Miao (Hmong) of their ethnic identity for such a long time despite their being split into many small groups surrounded by different alien peoples and scattered over a vast geographical area is an outstanding record paralleling in some ways that of the Jews.” |
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Land
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Tens
of thousands of Hmong ended up in relocation |
Economy
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Social OrganizationA typical Hmong village sits on the side of a mountain and consists of about 20 to 40 households. It is small enough to be in harmony with its environment, and large enough to take care of all of its own needs and to maintain the Hmong way of life. Before the war in the 1960s and early 1970s, most Hmong villages were poor but self-sufficient and largely self-governing. Village problems and disputes were usually settled within the village by village elders. The village chief acted as the leader and the contact person between the village and the district administrator or government representative. The council of the elders guided and assisted the village chief, acted as judge and jury, and served as the means of social control in the village. Before the war, schooling opportunities for the Hmong were extremely limited, and in a society where literacy was rare and knowledge was transmitted orally, the elders were considered the most knowledgeable members of society. Because their life experiences and knowledge were essential to the survival of the village, the elders were the ones that everyone went to for help, counseling, and guidance in the settlement of disputes. |
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Members of a clan consider each other clan brothers or clan sisters. |
Family and ClanHmong are group oriented. Hmong society is built on thousands of years of war, resistance to oppression, and dislocation. In these circumstances, the survival of the individual depends on the survival of the group. As a result, the interests of the group come before the interests of the individual. A Hmong person belongs to a family, the family belongs to a clan, and the clan belongs to the Hmong people. Hmong often use the term we to refer to their family, their clan, and their identity as a people. It is very common for a Hmong person to say peb tsev neeg (‘our family’), peb lub xeem (‘our clan’), and peb Hmoob (‘our Hmong people’). The family is the basic social unit in traditional Hmong society. It serves as the unit of production, consumption, socialization, social control, and mutual assistance. While a Hmong household may vary in size from a married couple to more than 20 people, a typical household consists of an extended family made up of many generations. There are about 19 Hmong clans in Laos: Cha or Chang, Cheng, Chu, Fang, Hang, Her, Khang, Kong, Kue, Lor or Lo, Lee or Ly, Moua, Phang, Tang, Thao, Vang, Vue, Xiong, and Yang. Within the clans, there might be several subclans, whose members can trace their ancestors to a common person or share a common tradition of ancestral worship and other ritual practices. Clan membership is obtained by birth, marriage for women, and adoption. Although a married Hmong woman continues to identify herself by her birth family’s clan name, for all practical purposes she is a member of her husband’s family and clan. Members of a clan consider each other clan brothers or clan sisters. Socially and culturally, they are obligated to help each other. When two Hmong meet each other, they greet each other by saying Koj tuaj los! (‘You come!’). When someone passes through a Hmong village, a villager usually greets the passerby and insists that the passerby stop by his or her home for a meal or at least a cup of water. After greeting, they exchange names, ages, clans, and generations to establish their relationship in order to properly address each other. If they belong to the same clan, they will establish the precise relationship within the clan. If not, they will establish their relationship through the marriage of their kin, beginning with their wives and aunts. They will address one another using kinship terms, such as brother, uncle, aunt, and so on. In the highlands of Laos, every Hmong is related, either through close or distant relatives. |
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In
the Hmong patriarchal system, the family is under the authority of |
GenderIn the Hmong patriarchal system, the family is under the authority of the male head of household, who is the oldest male in the family or the oldest adult married son. When the head of the household refers to his household, he may include the nuclear family of his adult sons as well. Because of their short life expectancy, agricultural lifestyle, and lack of access to education, the Hmong in Laos have traditionally married at a young age—16 to 20 for boys and 14 to 18 for girls. While married sons are considered part of their father’s family, daughters become members of their husband’s household. Because the son stays in the family and takes care of his parents in their old age, sons are usually preferred over daughters. Sons inherit the family property and heirlooms and are generally the ones to receive an education, when the opportunity exists. Because education is often not available in the village, the family can only afford to send one child away to school far away from home, and the chosen child is usually a son. Both boys and girls learn from their parents and other adult members of the household what they need to know. A son learns from his father and uncles the skills and knowledge of rituals he needs to survive in his environment and be an effective leader. From her mother, grandmother, and aunts, a girl learns what she needs to know to be a mother, wife, and farm helper, as well as the needlework, midwifery, and music skills she is expected to master. A married woman has limited rights and voice in her parents’ household, and she will have to work hard and earn her place in her husband’s household. But as a mother-in-law and grandmother, she will wield a great deal of influence and authority in her family. |
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Daily LifeA typical day for a Hmong family in Laos begins at about 4:00 in the morning or at the first crow of the family rooster. The oldest daughter and daughter-in-law are usually the first to get up. They cook breakfast, prepare foods for lunch, feed the animals, and clean the house. The husband helps his wife feed the animals and grind corn. After breakfast, the working members of the family will head to their fields, leaving the young children with the paternal grandparents. Children 6 years of age or older may accompany their parents to the fields, doing what they can to help. Hmong children are expected to contribute to the welfare of the family. Children learn to baby-sit their younger siblings and help with other chores at a very early age. After working together in the fields, the family usually returns home before sunset. On the way, they gather firewood and wild plants and herbs for dinner. At home, there are activities in the evening for everyone. Parents prepare the evening meal, attend to the animals, and make sure there are enough supplies for the next day. The paternal grandparents sit next to the fireplace with their grandchildren and tell stories. Many of these stories concern animism, animals, and the environment; others are about the past, such as when the Hmong lived in the valley of the Yellow River in China. Hmong elders also use stories to explain why things are the way they are—why, for example, the tiger has black and yellow stripes or why the bear has black hair. Outside, in the moonlight, men and teenagers observe the stars and learn to play Hmong musical instruments, while young boys practice the art of Hmong kicking. When dinner is ready, everyone is called to the table, and it is time to share news and information. A family dinner usually includes rice, meat (boiled, fire roasted, or fried), boiled or stir-fried vegetables, Hmong vegetable soup, and sauce (chili or tomato sauce). Chicken, pork, and wild game are common meats. After dinner, young men may go to court girls in the village or in nearby Hmong settlements. |
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Hmong
elders |
Belief SystemA growing number of Hmong have converted to Christianity since the 1950s; by some estimates, fully one half of the Hmong in the United States are now Christians. For non-Christians, the Hmong belief system is based on animism and ancestral worship. Animism is the belief that spirits and forces inhabit the natural universe. According to traditional belief, there are domestic, protective spirits as well as wild spirits that dwell in caves, lakes, big rocks, and other natural places. If someone offends one of the wild spirits, it can place a curse on the person, causing illness and even death. Since ordinary human beings cannot see and communicate with the spirits, it is up to the shaman, with his extraordinary powers, to intercede and to act as the ambassador from one world to the other. During his journey to the spirit world, the shaman persuades the spirits to withdraw the curse. Usually an apology is made and paper money is offered to compensate for the offense. Animism encourages the Hmong to respect animals and nature and to be in harmony with their environment. It also serves to bind the community and clan together, as members share in religious responsibilities, partake in family ritual, and help one another in the practical tasks related to ritual performances. Ancestor worship is the belief that there is an interdependence between the deceased ancestors and their living descendants. Hmong believe that the spirits of the ancestors continue to influence the daily lives and welfare of their descendants, who in return continue to offer foods and observe the proper rituals to ensure that the ancestors are remembered and worshipped. At death their souls will be guided back to the land of the ancestors, so it is very important that the ancestors accept the deceased person’s soul into the land of the ancestors. Socially, this practice keeps the Hmong family strong and family relations harmonious. The young depend on the old, and the old rely on the young. By helping people remember their ancestors and their roots, ancestor worship also serves to strengthen Hmong identity. |
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The shaman tends to act as a spiritual healer, social worker, and psychologist. |
Traditional Healing PracticesHmong healing practices are divided into three arts: herbal medicine, spiritual healing, and acupuncture/acupressure. When someone is ill, the family will consult with a diagnostician, who will determine the cause of the illness. If the illness is determined to have been caused by spirits, a shaman will be consulted. If the cause is food poisoning, indigestion, or energy imbalance, the family will be instructed to consult with the herbalist and/or massager/acupuncturist. Herbal medicine is also used to treat sexually transmitted diseases and broken bones. In many cases, the treatment involves all three arts. The shaman tends to act as a spiritual healer, social worker, and psychologist. After performing his ceremony and therapy, the shaman often advises the family to consult the herbalist. The shaman deals with spirits and heals souls, while the herbalist helps to restore the patient’s energy and speed the recovery process. |
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Hmong funeral ceremonies involve not only time but expense. |
Rites of PassageThe major events in a Hmong person’s life are observed by ceremonies marking the passage from one stage of life to another. Three days after a child is born, the family holds a soul calling and naming ceremony. The purpose of this ritual is to call the soul of the newborn to the family and to give the child a name. To call the child’s soul to the family, a chicken or a pig is ritually slaughtered. The animal is then cooked and eaten by the family. The next major event is the wedding ceremony, which is held to celebrate the union of two people and their families. It is also an event to announce to the public that the two are now husband and wife. After a couple’s first child is born, a ceremony is held to give an honorific name to the young father. The ceremony marks the young man’s passage into full familial responsibility. During this event, his father-in-law will be invited to give him the honorific name. The father-in-law usually adds one name to the son-in-law’s original name. For example, if the young man’s name is Tou and his honorific name is Nao, his new name will be Nao Tou. Occasionally, the father-in-law may decide to give the young man a completely new name. Honorific names usually have two or more syllables, in contrast to the typically one-syllable names given after birth. A Hmong’s final rite of passage is the funeral. The Hmong conduct elaborate funerals with many rituals that include the playing of reed pipe funeral music to guide the soul of the deceased back to the land of the ancestors. While beliefs about the afterlife vary, many Hmong believe that one soul of the departed will return to the land of the ancestors where it will be reborn, a second one will stay at the grave, and a third may remain in the presence of the descendants. A Hmong funeral lasts from one to several days, depending on the age and the social and economic standing of the deceased person and his or her family. An additional factor is the travel time needed for close relatives to attend the funeral. In Laos, it may take several days to walk to the village of a deceased relative. Hmong funeral ceremonies involve not only time but expense: In Laos, as many as 10 oxen and pigs may be slaughtered for the departed to take to the other world as company and as an asset in time of need. U.S. service providers should be sensitive to this funeral tradition, which can exceed a family's resources and run counter to local laws and customs. |
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FestivitiesThe New Year celebration is the major Hmong community event of the year. Similar to the Vietnamese and Chinese New Years, it is held at the end of the 12th lunar calendar month and the beginning of the first lunar calendar month. Although Hmong New Year is unique, it shares many traditions with Chinese and Vietnamese New Year. Like the Chinese and the Vietnamese, the Hmong serve their favorite foods during the first three days of the New Year. People dress in their best clothes and refrain from speaking critically of others. They take a break from work and business, and animals also are given a respite from labor. An aspect of the New Year celebration practiced by the Hmong in Southeast Asia is the ball-throwing game. Teenaged boys and girls line up across from one another and toss balls back forth, while singing traditional courting songs. In this way, they get to know one another, forming relationships that may eventually lead to marriage. |
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In the West, a young Hmong man today usually has two names, a first and a last name. |
NamesThe Hmong naming system has undergone change over the past half century or so. And it continues to vary today, as well, depending on national context, fashion, and personal preference. But several patterns can be observed. Today, a Hmong person’s clan name often serves as a last name. Before the middle of the 20th century, however, Hmong villagers in Laos rarely identified themselves by their clan name, except when specifically asked their clan membership. In the 1930s, many Hmong leaders in Laos, such as Lo Bliayao, began to identify themselves with their clan names. Starting from the 1940s, some well-known Lao Hmong also began to use their fathers’ names as their last name. For example, Touby Lyfoung and his siblings used Ly Foung, their father’s name, as their last name. This practice is now more common among the Hmong in Laos than it is among the Hmong in the West. In the West, a young Hmong man today usually has two names, a first and a last name. A husband and father might have three names—his first name, his honorific name, and his clan name. A married Hmong woman from Laos or a Thai refugee camp might retain her clan name as her last name, but this practice is no longer common among Hmong Americans. It is more common for a Hmong woman in the United States to adopt her husband’s clan name as her last name or to join her own clan name and her husband’s clan together to form a new hyphenated last name. For example, Kazoua Kong-Thao is from the Kong clan but is married to a member of the Thao clan. It is increasingly common for young Hmong Americans to have a first name made up of two or more words. KaYing Yang, Kazoua Kong-Thao, Maykao Y. Hang, and Yuepheng Xiong are all examples of well-known young Hmong Americans who have adopted this practice. Many Hmong American parents have begun to give their children English first names, using the clan name or the grandfather’s name as the last name. It is very common today to encounter Hmong college students named Elizabeth Lee, Amorette Paj Tshiab Yang, Michael Yang, T. Christopher Thao, and Nixon Xiong. As a result of the Hmong diaspora, there are Hmong Americans with Thai, Japanese, and French first names. For example, Kimiko Moua has a Japanese name, and Paris Vue has a French name. Hmong parents tend to name their children according to gender and birth order. Many parents name their oldest son Toua (‘the first’), their second son Lue (‘the second’), and the third son Xang (‘the third’). Tou (‘boy’ or ‘Master’) is a very common name for a Hmong boy, and many parents use this nickname for their sons, even though the actual name is different. May (‘girl’ or ‘Miss’) is a very common name for a Hmong girl, and many families use this nickname for their daughters. The most common names for Hmong boys are Long, Pao, Teng, Thai, Tou, Toua, and Xang. Parents tend to name their daughters Bao or Bo, Kia, May, May Ia, Mee, Pa, Xi, and Yi. There are many Hmong names that can be given to both boys and girls. Some of these are Chue, Ka, Shua, Tong, and Yeng. Upon marriage, a Hmong woman begins to identify herself with her husband and rarely uses her own name. Thus, if her husband’s name is Cher Pao, she will be known as Niam Cher Pao (Nam Cher Pao in Mong Leng), or Cher Pao’s wife, and her husband will be the only person to continue to call her by her given original name. Then, after the birth of her first child, her identity will be closely linked to her child. If her child’s name is Tou, for example, her husband will refer to her as Tou Niam (Tou Nam in Mong Leng), or Tou’s mother. Thus, from this point on, she is either called Cher Pao’s wife or Tou’s mother. Her birth name will be used less and less, and by the time she becomes a grandmother, very few people will actually know her original name. A young man, in contrast, continues to use his original name after marriage, until he is given an honorific name, usually after he becomes a father for the first time. The name of a Hmong man is very important, as his wife and children will be identified with it. Children identify themselves as “I am Tou, son of Yia Long” or “I am May, daughter of Yia Long.” |
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Today,
most Hmong wear |
Clothing
Today, most Hmong in Laos, like the Hmong in the United States, wear their traditional clothes only on special occasions, such as the New Year’s celebration and weddings. For everyday wear, men generally prefer to dress in Western-style clothes, while women tend to wear Lao sarong skirts and blouses. For men, traditional Hmong clothing often consists of a pair of long black pants held at the waist by an embroidered or plain red band with a black shirt tucked in. For special occasions, men may wear a white shirt and an embroidered vest on the outside. Women's traditional clothing, which is more elaborate and varies according to the fashion trend of the time, consists of a headband of different designs, a black or multicolored shirt (some with arm bands on the sleeves), a pair of long pants, and a striped plaited skirt (for the Mong Leng) or a plain plaited white skirt (for the Hmong Der). The pants and skirts are held up by a red cloth band tied around the waist, except on special occasions, when young girls wear elaborately embroidered cloth bands decorated with silver coins. If a skirt is used, a single-apron-like square of cloth hanging down to the feet is worn on top in the front. They may be plain or decorated with embroidery, depending on the occasion. Before 1975, when contact between the Hmong in Laos and the Hmong in other countries was rare and each subgroup wore its own traditional costumes, clothing tended to be used as markers to distinguish Hmong subgroups, such as the Striped Hmong (Hmong Quas Npab), whose women wear striped armed bands on their shirts, or the Mong Leng, with their fine batik plaited skirts. Today, as the result of increased contact and trade among the Hmong in China, Laos, Thailand, and the West, and the fact that it is increasingly easier to buy than to make traditional costumes, Hmong from each subgroup tend to wear the costumes from other subgroups. In this context, clothing has become more a mark of one's wealth and imagination than of group identity. As a result, the dialect spoken by a Hmong is now a surer indication of subgroup membership than is traditional clothing. |
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Many of the Hmong stories tell about an orphan who, although harassed and discriminated against by others, never gave up. |
Music and Oral LiteratureMusic is an essential part of Hmong life. Hmong musical instruments include the jew’s harp and various flute-like instruments. The most important instrument is the reed pipe or qeej: Where there are Hmong, there is the qeej. The instrument is played for entertainment, for welcoming guests, and at funeral rites. A Hmong person who wants to be a qeej player must be trained; it takes years of practice to memorize the flowery language of the instrument. Its music contains the entire repertoire of Hmong knowledge and wisdom. Hmong culture is rich in oral literature. Through various forms of songs, poetry, and recitation, the Hmong pass down their stories, beliefs, history, and moral values from one generation to the next. Many of the Hmong stories tell about an orphan who, although harassed and discriminated against by others, never gave up. He worked day and night, and through self-discipline and perseverance, he eventually became a man and a king. The orphan in the story can stand as a symbol for the Hmong people themselves—orphans without their own country who survive wherever they go. |
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The Cultural Orientation Project--http://www.culturalorientation.net,
for more information contact sanja@cal.org |
